In the current study the two accounts are tested in the perceptual domain using behavioral and eye-tracking data in Greek. Alternatively, stress may be fully specified in the lexicon as part of every lexical representation. It remains to be examined whether the LNR may serve as a neural signature for language-specific processing of prosodic phonology beyond auditory processing of the critical acoustic cues at the suprasyllabic level.Īccording to a popular model of speech production, stress is underspecified in the lexicon, that is, it is specified only for words with stress patterns other than the default, termed the “default metrics” assumption. The results support the integration view that word-level linguistic prosody likely relies on the phonetic content where the acoustic cues embedded in.
However, no such effect was observed in the phoneme-free prosodic acoustic control conditions. We observed language-specific effects on the ERP that native stimuli elicited larger late negative response (LNR) amplitude than nonnative stimuli in the prosodic phonology conditions. The prosodic acoustic (nonspeech) conditions were hummed versions of the speech stimuli, which eliminated the phonetic content while preserving the acoustic prosodic features. The prosodic phonology (speech) conditions included disyllabic pseudowords spoken in Chinese and in English matched for syllabic structure, duration, and intensity. This study aimed to examine whether abstract knowledge of word-level linguistic prosody is independent of or integrated with phonetic knowledge.Įvent-related potential (ERP) responses were measured from 18 adult listeners while they listened to native and nonnative word-level prosody in speech and in nonspeech. Together with the previous results they reveal that phoneme-free prosodic representations at the pre-lexical and lexical level are recruited by neurobiological spoken word recognition. The present results are evidence for phoneme-free prosodic processing at the lexical level. However, polarity of ERP stress priming was reversed to that previously obtained. ERP stress priming did neither interact with phoneme priming nor with the stress pattern of the targets. We orthogonally varied prime–target overlap in stress and phonemes. First syllables of those words served as primes. We used German target words with the same onset phonemes but different onset stress, such as MANdel (“almond”) and manDAT (“mandate” capital letters indicate stress). Here we test whether phoneme-free ERP stress priming involves the lexicon. ERP stress priming was independent of prime–target phoneme overlap. Recently we reported that spoken stressed and unstressed primes differently modulate Event Related Potentials (ERPs) of spoken initially stressed targets.
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